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Midstream

Midstream

Por Julián Schvindlerman

  

Wagner in Israel – 12/00

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JULIAN SCHVINDLERMAN, a Jerusalem-based political analyst, holds a master’s degree in Society and Politics of Israel from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Why Israel’s Rishon Letzion Symphonic Orches­tra found it appropriate to reintroduce the thorny debate concerning public perform­ances of Richard Wagner’s music while Israel is con­sumed with a resurgent, violent uprising by Palestinian protesters is beyond comprehension.

True, the performance had probably been planned for some time; the orchestra members had been prac­ticing for months, and so on. But to proceed with the concert the same day a synagogue had been desecrated in Efrat, just one day after a suicide bombing in Kfar Darom (traumatic even though only the terrorist was killed), and while residents of Jerusalem’s Gilo neigh­borhood went to bed with bullets whizzing over their heads (shot by Palestinians from the nearby village of Beit Jallah), does not speak well of the orchestra’s sense of fitness with reality.

Of course, other artistic and cultural events have also taken place during this current period of instability. But this one was different — full of moral and societal impli­cations. An Israeli orchestra, for the first time before a public audience, would perform a symphonic work by Richard Wagner — the composer whose music was adopt­ed by Hitler and whose antisemitic writings contributed to the shaping of Third Reich ideology.

Predictably, the concert was not free of incident. Before the first notes of «Siegfried Idyll» could be heard, a group of audience members stood and left the audito­rium in silent remonstration. But an elderly man chose a noisier form of protest: for several minutes in succession he energetically sounded a noisemaker he had carried into the performance hall for the express purpose of dis­rupting the concert. The man’s name was Shlomo, a sur­vivor whose entire family had perished in the Holocaust. One member of the audience tried to restrain him, but only with the help of two ushers was Shlomo finally silenced. Afterward, he was led outside the auditorium into the flashing of cameras and the flurried questions of journalists anticipating this kind of incident. The orches­tra’s conductor, himself a Holocaust survivor, ignored the entire episode and continued playing Wagner’s music. A few minutes later, the performance ended with the enthu­siastic applause of the audience. Outside, asked by a jour­nalist why he had brought the noisemaker with him, Shlomo retorted, «because I couldn’t find a bomb.»

This is not the first time that the Rishon Letzion Orchestra has challenged conventional wisdom. A decade ago, it added to its repertoire works by Richard Strauss — whose music had also been banned in Israel due to the composer’s ties with the Nazi movement. Nor is this orchestra alone in its tenacious fight for “freedom of artis­tic expression” in the Jewish state. In 1981, the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra chose to play an excerpt from Wagner’s Tristan und Isolde as an encore after an other­wise uncontroversial performance. After announcing the selection, conductor Zubin Mehta invited those who might disapprove to leave the auditorium. Some did choose this option — including two violinists. But an usher, who apparently had not understood Mehta, jumped onto the stage when he recognized the strains of Wagner and, dramatically, removed his shirt to expose the scars he still bore from World War II. At that point, Mehta chose to stop the performance.

Ten years later, in 1991, the Israel Philharmonic made another attempt to insert a work of Wagner into their concert season schedule, but had to remove it after sub­scribers complained. Finally, this October, the Rishon Letzion Orchestra won a legal battle over the issue that pitted them against both the Simon Wiesenthal Center and Holocaust survivors organizations, and the concert was consequently allowed to take place as scheduled.

Those who support the public playing of Wagner’s music in Israel argue that the «man should be separated from his work.» They point out that by appreciating his music they are not celebrating Wagner’s antisemitic ide­ology, but rather paying tribute to a creative genius whose art, unfortunately, became associated with the Nazi Party. Wagner, they remind us, died half a century before Hitler’s ascent to power, although they admit that his fiery antisemitic ideology influenced Nazi thought.

Another point raised by Wagner music advocates, and recently upheld by Israel’s Supreme Court, is based essentially on the intellectual fetish of modern Liberalism: absolute freedom of expression, according to which Israeli orchestras, for example, have the right to express themselves artistically at their own discre­tion. If this expression offends a third party, so be it — even if that third party happens to include survivors of the most indescribably painful tribulation in modern history. Freedom of expression, taken to its extreme, trumps everything.

When the debate was first introduced into the public arena in 1981 by the Israel Philharmonic, a Haifa Univer­sity professor observed that two clashing symbols were at play. Wagner went down in history as a cultural symbol of Nazism, no less than the swastika; particularly from the Jewish perspective, both became deeply associated with suffering and evil. Could the Israel Philharmonic, as a cul­tural symbol of the Jewish state, ever be comfortably inte­grated with a cultural symbol of the Nazi movement, any more than the Star of David could be placed alongside the swastika?

But there also appear to be two sets of rights essential­ly at issue: on the one hand, the legitimate right of an individual to play or listen to the music he or she enjoys, and on the other, the right of another individual not to be offended by that music. How to reconcile the two? Today, under the umbrella of freedom of expression, virtually anything can see the light of day regardless of its objec­tionable content — from pornographic «art» to the antisemitic writings of the most rabid neo-Nazi. Protected by this right, for example, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a proven forgery, is currently bought and sold quite legally and freely in most countries of the Western world.

But here’s one suggestion. Those Israelis who fervent­ly wish to play or hear Wagner’s music can do so — either privately in Israel, or publicly in Austria, Germany, and elsewhere. With certainty, however, that right should not extend to the public performance in Israel of music that is so intimately associated with the physical and emotion­al scars borne by so many citizens of the Jewish state. Let’s call the rights of the survivors and their families the Right to Emotional Integrity — one that should be regarded as superior on the scales of justice and common sense.

But contrary to what the barons of Israeli culture want us to believe, the question of whether or not Wagner’s work should be performed in Israel goes far beyond «freedom of expression» to something much more essen­tial in Israeli, or any, society: In effect, to force this kind of extraordinarily sensitive issue on grounds of some abso­lute personal right to artistic enjoyment, enrichment, or fulfillment — all pleasures that can, and often should, be postponed when overshadowed by weightier considera­tions — is the worst kind of abject insensitivity and collec­tive selfishness. The image of an old man, a survivor of the Holocaust, being escorted from a theater, in Israel of all places, under music reminiscent of the gas chambers — and this as his more «culturally enlightened» co-nationals look down condescendingly upon him — can be seen as a triumph of expression only through the kafkaesque lens of contemporary Western Liberalism.

No, as long as one, single survivor of the Holocaust remains in the Jewish state, there is no place for Wagner and his music here.

Miami Herald, Miami Herald - 2000

Miami Herald

Por Julián Schvindlerman

  

U.N. Is Pro-PLO, and Arafat knows it – 24/11/00

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Jerusalem – Almost from the beginning of the current round of hostilities between Israelis and Palestinians, Palestinian Authority leader Yasser Arafat has demanded that United Nations forces be sent to the region «to protect» Palestinians from Israeli «aggression.» With about 200 Palestinians killed so far and a few thousand wounded, Arafat’s claim would seem logical.
Upon closer examination, however, it is difficult to find genuine humanitarian concern in this Palestinian demand. After all, is one to believe that Arafat – who on Aug. 6, 1995, at al-Azhar University in Gaza said that “the Palestinian people is prepared to sacrifice its last boy and girl in order to wave the Palestinian flag» who uses children as human shields to protect the Palestinian snipers, who remunerates families with $2,000 per «martyr» and who initiated the present confrontation in the first place – really cares about the physical integrity of his people?

No, there is more. Arafat is in fact pursuing multiple goals through his initiative, first and foremost to internationalize the conflict. By involving the United Nations (including Russia and the European Union), Arafat would block the chances of solving the conflict with Israel; for the participation of these parties, each with its own domestic and global interests, would mean that negotiations would be lost amid endless talks. This is what happened at the Madrid Conference inaugurated 10 years ago: the high level of international involvement combined with   excessive media exposure obstructed progress. The Oslo secret channel was created as an alternative to this failed initiative.

Arafat is trying to emulate the situation Israel is currently facing on its border with Lebanon. Into the theater of this conflict, the multinational United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon was positioned, a force that at best can be defined as useless.

To wit: For years, Hezbollah habitually launched Katyusha rockets against Israel over the heads of UNIFIL troops. Since Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from South Lebanon, dozens of Lebanese daily throw stones and metallic objects at Israeli soldiers on the other side of the border without UNIFIL taking action. Nor did the presence of the U.N. contingent prevent Hezbollah from crossing the international border and kidnapping three Israeli soldiers almost two months ago. In practice, the U.N. presence not only failed to deter a terrorist group from attacking Israel but also limited Israel’s ability to defend itself.

The United Nations is an essentially pro-PLO organization. The Security Council and the General Assembly already have condemned Israel for the current wave of violence, while the Geneva-based U.N: Human Rights Committee sent a delegation to the area, in the face of Israeli objections. The PLO has enjoyed preferential treatment in U.N. corridors. Even before Arafat was invited to speak before the General Assembly in 1974, the PLO already had acquired observer status in many U.N. agencies, among them, the International Association of   Civil Aviation — this, when the PLO was considered the No. 1 hijacking organization. Also in 1974, the PLO was granted «permanent observer status,» an honor until then reserved only for nonmember states such as the Vatican and Switzerland.

During the last 20 years, the United Nations religiously has commemorated the annual International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. In 1982, U.N. flags waved over the ships transporting the defeated PLO from Beirut to Tunis. No other separatist group or movement of national liberation has been accorded this level of U.N. attention — not the Basques, the Irish, Armenians, Tibetans, Biafrans or Kurds.

With these precedents in mind, one does not need a Ph.D. in political science to predict that any kind of U.N.-sponsored observer group will condemn Israel in this violent set of confrontations with the PLO-led Palestinian Authority.   

That in a group of 188 member states, 30 percent of General Assembly condemnations and 40 percent of mandated investigations of human-rights violations have fallen on just one nation, Israel — and never on the Palestinian side — is not very reassuring. Arafat knows it. That’s why he wants the United Nations here.

Julián Schvindlerman is a political analyst and journalist in Jerusalem.

Washington Times

Washington Times

Por Julián Schvindlerman

  

Oslo’s collapse – 21/11/00

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The violence launched by Yasser Arafat at the end of September marked the end of the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians. Its collapse, however, began at least half a decade ago. Oslo was mortally wounded the day the Palestinian leader issued his first inciteful message to an Arabic-speaking crowd; it staggered along during successive years
with each additional Palestinian violation; and took its last gasps with the terrorism committed by Islamic fundamentalists given the «green light» by Mr. Arafat.

All told, from the beginning of the peace process to just before the current confrontations, 237 Israeli civilians were killed and 2,824 were wounded by their Palestinian counterparts (as for soldiers, 97 were killed and 1,376 wounded). That is to say, the first heady years of
«peace» in Israel produced more casualties than during the previous 15 years of open conflict put together. Finally, at Camp David this July, by rejecting magnanimous Israeli terms and returning to Gaza without even having produced a counteroffer, Mr. Arafat placed Oslo in its coffin.

But the question left hanging in the air during these tense and tragic days is that of what, if any, responsibility the Israeli «peace camp» bears for this nightmarish turn of events? To have originally believed in Oslo’s original and ambitious promise of peace might have been
reasonable. To have given the PLO an opportunity to prove it had really turned over a new leaf could have been politically understandable – although perhaps still morally unacceptable. But to have clung to the peace process with messianic fervor and irrational zeal is nearly incomprehensible. Indeed, Oslo’s architects – professors Yair Hirschfeld and Ron Pundak, along with politicians Shimon Peres and Yossi Beilin – with the open support of nearly the entire camp of Israeli left-wing politicians – made a strategic decision to ignore the massive amount of evidence that something had gone terribly wrong with their Grand Experiment.

Why? As former Israeli ambassador to the U.N. Dore Gold pointed out a few years ago, canceling the «Oslo project» during its early stages would have been for the Israeli left tantamount to burying its most central item of faith – that peaceful coexistence with a PLO-led Palestinian entity was a reasonable and achievable goal.

Were the signs really that difficult to see? Slaves of their own assumptions, the Israeli left chose to ignore – if not condone – PLO misconduct in the secure belief that mutual confidence would emerge with time; it did not. With the inexplicable infatuation many intellectuals and human rights advocates have for brutal dictatorships and irredentist movements, well-intentioned peace camp politicians projected their own post-nationalist ideals onto the Palestinians, seeing virtuous pacifists in those who were obviously holy warriors in hibernation.

Coming to terms with these truths, the honest observer is left with a tragic irony: that the leaders of Israel’s left – Oslo’s most loyal supporters – indeed bear at least partial responsibility for the agreement’s crumbling. Let there be no doubt: The assassins of the peace process are none other than Mr. Arafat and the Palestinian rock-throwers. The Israeli left should not be judged for wholeheartedly longing for the arrival of peace to this war-weary land, a hope held in the heart of every Israeli. But by negligently and intentionally choosing to ignore systematic and dangerous Palestinian violations, the left in essence created the framework for Oslo’s collapse.

Strategically, then, it was not the so-called «enemies of peace» who condemned Oslo to death, but its best friends. If, instead of rewarding Mr. Arafat every time he breached the accords, Israeli leaders had demanded that their peace partner honor his obligations and stick resolutely to the path of credible reconciliation, then perhaps a fall could have been avoided. Even if this policy had precipitated an earlier collapse of the process, at least Mr. Arafat and his henchmen today would not have the weapons, land, and infrastructure they are now turning against their «peace partner.»

And the mood of the Israeli right? Anyone who was repulsed by the sight of Israeli leaders embracing Mr. Arafat, who refused to accept the abject immorality of Western democracies and the Nobel Peace Prize committee in catapulting the most brutal kind of criminal to international fame and legitimacy as a «hero of peace,» despite an honest longing for peace for which the right is often denied credit, must accept all these facts with a heavy heart. Even during times of turmoil over the past seven years, most of those who stayed firmly outside Israel’s more dovish mainstream still couldn’t help wishing, deep down, that in some inexplicable, irrational -even magical- way, the process would somehow ultimately deliver the peace it promised. For these, consolation is perhaps best expressed in the words of Israeli writer Amnon Lord: «An epoch of lies and fraud has ended.»

Midstream

Midstream

Por Julián Schvindlerman

  

Yerushalayim versus Al-Quds – 10/00

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JULIAN SCHVINDLERMAN, a freelance journalist, holds an MA in Society and Politics of Israel from the International Rothberg School at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

The Middle East covers an area of roughly 15,000,000 square kilometers.(1) There, you can find a small country called Israel, which encompasses a space totaling 27,800 square kilometers. Its capital, Jerusalem, hardly fills 120 square kilometers. Within it is located the Old City, covering just one square kilometer. Inside the Old City lies the Temple Mount. There, in this tiny area, whose symbolic importance is inversely proportional to its geo­graphical dimension, one of the most atrocious archeological crimes of the modern era is taking place.

It all began when the Islamic Religious Authority (WAQF), currently under the auspices of the Palestinian Authority, opened an «emergency exit» to one of the sev­eral mosques located on the historical Temple Mount a few months ago. In time, and with the help of bulldozers and trucks, workers dug a pit 1,250 square meters in area and 12 meters in depth near this original exit supposedly for the sake of renovations to the mosque, thus trans­forming the «exit» into a monumental entrance to the area of the mosque. During this construction process, the workers have systematically dumped piles of ancient relics from the First and Second Temple periods onto a 6,000-ton mountain of dirt in the Kidron Valley as if it were garbage, in the way someone would toss a McDonald’s hamburger wrapping.

This almost unbelievable act of Islamic sacrilege prompted an open letter addressed to the Israeli prime minister and signed by, among others, the mayor of Jerusalem, Ehud Olmert, former mayor Teddy Kollek, writers Haim Gouri, Amos Oz, A.B. Yehoshua, professors, recipients of archeological prizes, and 82 members of the Knesset — ranging in ideology from Meretz to the NRP. The letter stated that «a serious act of irreparable archeological vandalism and destruction is being carried out without archeological supervision … this archeological crime is insufferable.»(2)

Haim Gouri, also a member of the Committee for the Protection of Antiquities at the Temple Mount, called for UNESCO (United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization) to intervene. This call for help is particularly significant in light of Israel’s past experience with the UN agency. During the 1970s and 1980s, UNESCO repeatedly condemned Israel for various archeological excavations that, according to the Muslim world, were damaging the foundations of the mosques. At the time, UNESCO even went as far as to cut off financial aid to Israel.

That is why the current indifference of UNESCO, as well as that of the international media, various NGOs, and Western governments is simply too much to abide. As these prominent Israeli personalities pointed out in their public letter of protest, it would be inconceivable for a sim­ilar act of desecration to take place in areas of comparable historical importance, such as the Acropolis in Athens or the Forum in Rome — or, for that matter, in Mecca itself. Actually, had this pit been carved by Israel, and had the desecrated relics belonged to Muslim instead of Jewish history, World War III would no doubt have erupted.

One need only recall what happened at the same loca­tion a few years ago to realize that this statement is no exaggeration. In September 1996, the Netanyahu admin­istration opened a 2-meter-long exit at the end of a Hasmonean tunnel under the Western Wall. This event was denounced from Gaza to Bangladesh as a desecration of the Islamic holy places in Jerusalem, and a few hours later rallies against Israel and the «Judaization» of the City of David filled the streets of the Palestinian autonomous areas. In the ensuing riots, the Palestinian police joined the protesters, at times shooting at the Israeli police and army — with weapons they got from Israel in the framework of the peace process. After three days of fighting, 70 people had lost their lives and dozens had been wounded, mostly Palestinians.

Passions were further inflamed when the official Palestinian television station showed images of the corpses while describing the revolt as an Israeli «mas­sacre.» At Palestinian request, the Arab League met and condemned Israel, while the international media, unsur­prisingly, echoed the Palestinian account of events.

The present crime being committed by WAQF on the Mount has, of course, much more to do with the battle over the sovereignty of Jerusalem than with archeology. Nor is this careless, even hostile Islamic attitude toward historical treasure surprising. The entire Palestinian leadership is committed to «erasing» Jewish history from the area through its official media, school textbooks, or, as in the current case, by simply tossing into the garbage any shred of evidence pointing to a Jewish historical presence here.

Throughout the peace process, Israeli foreign policy has generally avoided adopting a systematic information campaign highlighting the historical Jewish link to Jerusalem or the moral dimension underlying such bond. That is to say, Israel could remind the world that the word «Jerusalem» appears 587 times in the Jewish Bible (its synonym, «Zion,» another 151), whereas it does not even appear once in the Koran; that Jerusalem was the capital of a Jewish kingdom and was never the capital of any other rule; that Muhammad attached religious value to Jerusalem with the sole intention of gaining Jewish sup­porters; and that Jews have been for millennia praying three times a day facing Jerusalem, whereas Muslims — even when they are in Jerusalem — pray facing Mecca.

Israel  could  also  remind  the world  that,  under Jordanian  rule, Jews were  forbidden   to  pray at  the Western Wall, that almost all the synagogues in the Old City were desecrated, and that tombstones of the old Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives were removed for  use in various construction projects (including the build­ing of latrines). Nor was Jerusalem that relevant for Muslims religiously under the Jordanian administration. As Daniel Pipes has recounted, the act of securing a bank loan, subscribing to telephone service, or registering a postal package required a trip to Amman in those days. Friday sermons were not transmitted from Al-Aqsa but from a minor mosque in Amman (by the way, these ser­mons were censored by the Jordanian authorities, a restriction Israel rescinded when it reunified the city in 1967). Nor was Jordan’s policy toward Jerusalem atypical. Save a few occasions when King Hussein deigned to visit Jerusalem, no Arab leader paid a visit to the Holy City dur­ing 1948-1967. Not even in the 1964 PLO Charter, Daniel Pipes reminds us, can one find mention of Jerusalem. (3)

No, only after Israel captured the city in 1967 did the Arab world start to «miss» Jerusalem. It was recently reported, for instance, that King Fahd told the American president he wants to pray at Al-Aqsa mosque before he dies. This is reminiscent of the late Syrian president who, as talks regarding the possible return of the Golan Heights were in full swing, told President Clinton that he wanted to swim in Lake Kineret. Perhaps these declarations of intent and sudden interest in Israeli sites reflect a potential materialization of one of the promises of the «New Middle East»: the promotion of regional tourism. Accordingly, we shouldn’t be surprised if tomorrow we hear that Saddam Hussein wants to eat a falafel in Tel Aviv or Colonel Qaddafi wishes to surf off the coast of Eilat…

In any case, this extreme act of Islamic disrespect toward Jewish history and the lack of elementary Palestinian sensitivity toward its peace partner in them­selves constitute the basis upon which Israel should define its Jerusalem policy. Since September 1993, Yasir Arafat has adopted a position on Jerusalem and has not moved one inch from it. Perhaps the time has arrived for Israel to do the same, and for once to set and respect a red line in this peace process — a line which, incidentally, enjoys a significant national consensus.

Notes:

  1. Including Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Cyprus, Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Oman, and Yemen.
  2. Ha’aretz/ 11June 2000.
  3. Daniel Pipes, «Whose Jerusalem,» The Jerusalem Post, 19 July 2000.